September 21, 2024 | by Unboxify
The air over Verdun hangs heavily with the stench of war. Germany, undeterred by Entente offensives in 1916, aims to bleed France white. The French, steeled in resolve, stand ready to defend every inch of the River Meuse. With each explosion that rips through the sky, with each life snuffed out in the cold mud, their tenuous grip on hope tightens. German forces press in from three sides, and the men at Verdun prepare for a harrowing saga of valor and horror amidst the grim realities of war.
Situated about 250 km northeast of Paris, Verdun has always held a revered place in French history and sentiment. Its grounds have repeatedly borne witness to historic events such as the Treaty of Verdun, which marked the division of the Frankish Empire, its endurance during the Franco-Prussian War against Prussian besiegers, and its resilience against German encirclement during the First Battle of the Marne in 1914.
At the core of Verdun’s defense lay the Fortified Region of Verdun (RFV), an intricate network of fortresses encircling the town. This network boasted over 20 major forts, flanked by numerous smaller fortifications, all constructed between 1870 and 1913. Among these forts, Douaumont and Vaux were the most formidable, with Douaumont being the largest and newest, having been completed just three years prior to the battle. These forts were marvels of military engineering, their steel and concrete foundations buried under layers of earth, offering both camouflage and a degree of protection against artillery shelling.
As 1915 gave way to 1916, the front lines had wrapped around Verdun from three sides, choking off all but one supply route 50 km to the southwest. This lifeline, christened the Sacred Way, became the conduit for hundreds of thousands of soldiers and a torrent of ammunition, offering a flicker of respite to the beleaguered defenders.
Verdun held immense strategic importance for both France and Germany. For the French, it was a symbol of national determination, its fortifications guarding the pathway to Paris. For the Germans, capturing Verdun would not only demoralize the French Army but also potentially force France to seek an armistice. Moreover, its seizure would provide a tactical advantage, offering a stronghold on the western front.
The onset of 1916 seemed to herald a tide of optimism for the Central Powers. In the east, their forces had carved deep into Russian territory during the Gorlice–Tarnów Offensive. To the west, Germany held its ground against the Entente in Belgium and the Champagne region of France. The Entente’s failed offensive near Verdun in the previous autumn further buoyed German morale. Meanwhile, their alliance with Bulgaria had tightened the noose around Serbia, and although Italy had joined the Entente, their efforts were mired in the Isonzo Valley, offering little more than a distraction.
Despite Verdun’s strategic and symbolic significance, trouble was on the way. A lack of appreciation by French leadership, especially Chief of Staff Joseph Joffre, meant that the RFV was undermanned and under-equipped. By 1915, Verdun’s fortifications had already seen a reduction of over 237 guns and a substantial amount of ammunition, leaving only its heavy turret guns. Despite the onset of trench constructions, progress slowed due to resource diversion to the Second Battle of Champagne. By February 1916, Fort Douaumont, the largest in the region, was scarcely armed and was used mainly as a barracks. In Joffre’s eyes, the forts of Verdun were outdated and not likely to stand up to the firepower of German artillery. Instead, he wanted to allocate manpower and material to more easily defensible positions across other theaters of the Western Front. It wasn’t until political pressure mounted that Joffre ordered reinforcements to Verdun on January 23rd.
The architect of the German assault was their Chief of General Staff Erich von Falkenhayn, driven by a complicated mix of motivations. Despite the Central Powers advancing well on the warfront, Falkenhayn found himself ensnared in a labyrinth of political and economic dilemmas. The protracted nature of the war weighed heavily on his mind and drove home a conviction that sustained conflict for another two years would leave Germany in a bleak position.
Falkenhayn’s political standing was precarious. The war had yet to bear the fruit of a major victory under his command, something that his rivals in the German court were keenly aware of. One of these rivals was Paul von Hindenburg, the celebrated commander of the Eighth Army, whose victory at Tannenberg cast a long shadow over Falkenhayn’s accolades. While victories burgeoned in the east, Falkenhayn deemed them hollow in the grand scheme of ending the war victoriously. He viewed Russia’s vast expanses and indomitable spirit as impenetrable to military conquest, a sentiment echoed in his phrase, “The East gives nothing back.” To Falkenhayn, it was Britain that was Germany’s formidable adversary. Yet, a direct confrontation was deemed futile given Britain’s naval prowess, geographical insulation, and robust resupply channels. Falkenhayn believed that severing the Anglo-French alliance could disillusion Britain and expedite the end of the war. He surmised that a crushing blow to France at Verdun could be the catalyst for a much-needed breakup.
Part of Falkenhayn’s attempt to reinforce his political power came in the appointment of Crown Prince Wilhelm as the commander of the Fifth Army at Verdun. While a novice in military command, the 34-year-old Wilhelm often ceded decision-making to his Chief of Staff under directives from his royal father. Falkenhayn hoped that this dynamic would help intertwine royal prestige with military strategy, further advancing his own position within the high seats of imperial power.
The German attack was initially slated for February 12th, 1916, but inclement weather delayed the offensive another nine days. When February 21st finally came, the skies above Verdun roared with German artillery. Over a million shells rained down in a relentless 10-hour bombardment on French positions. In the ensuing three days, the Germans alternated between artillery showers and probing assaults on villages north of the RFV, methodically edging along the right bank of the Meuse.
The major push commenced on February 24th, slicing through French defenses with alarming ease. A grave oversight had left Fort Douaumont thinly manned. Its capture on the 25th by German forces was a bloodless victory. The night of February 26th saw Philippe Pétain, the stoic commander of the French Second Army, bestowed with the command of Verdun’s defenses. It was a charge he accepted with a steely resolve, keenly aware of the looming threat. He orchestrated a re-garrisoning of the RFV’s remaining forts, bolstering them with additional troops and essential supplies. This strategic move was vital in shoring up the defensive lines, ensuring they were braced for any assaults by German forces.
While the German offensive on the right bank was swift and decisive, the left bank posed a greater problem. The difficult terrain of the left bank made advances challenging, and its lesser strategic value made every casualty feel more hard-fought. In early March, German forces managed to seize two villages on the left bank. Their focus then shifted to the elevated grounds on the left bank, notably the formidable Côte 304 and Le Mort-Homme (Dead Man’s Hill).
Within the leafy cover of Bois Bourrus, French heavy artillery took position, their sights set on thwarting German advances towards Côte 304 and Dead Man’s Hill, as well as disrupting the German rear lines. The toll of the battle began to mount. With each passing day, the casualty numbers on both sides climbed steeply. By the end of February, despite the grim tally, neither the French nor the Germans were any closer to victory, heralding the protracted and bloody struggle that lay ahead.
The control of these two hills seesawed between the French and the Germans throughout March, becoming the initial staging grounds for staunch French resistance. The defense orchestrated by General Pétain had roused admiration among the French ranks. However, General Joffre grew increasingly discontented with Pétain’s resolute focus on defense. In a bid to shift the strategy, Joffre aimed to replace Pétain with a commander who echoed his own aggressive stance. Yet, Pétain’s burgeoning popularity proved a roadblock; any abrupt removal risked political fallout. Navigating this delicately, Joffre elevated Pétain to commander of Army Group Centre, positioning Robert Nivelle as the new commander of the Second Army, a move designed to distance Pétain from Verdun while appearing politically prudent.
On May 8th, a stroke of misfortune struck the German forces at Fort Douaumont. An accidental munitions fire triggered a massive explosion, claiming hundreds of German lives. One speculation is that the blaze was ignited by soldiers attempting to heat coffee using flamethrowers. Regardless of the story’s authenticity, the explosion wreaked havoc, plunging the German garrison into disarray and damaging part of the fort.
Seizing this unexpected opportunity, French Commander Nivelle ordered an assault. A meticulous plan was drawn up, culminating in an ambitious attack on May 22nd. Preceding the assault, between May 17th and the 21st, French artillery unleashed a barrage of 370 mm and 400 mm shells, decimating numerous German defensive positions and downing several observation balloons.
On the day of the French assault, the 36th Infantry Regiment faced resistance on the left flank, but the 129th Regiment made a gallant advance, breaching the fort and occupying its western half. However, their triumph was fleeting. German reinforcements swooped in, isolating the 129th Regiment and compelling a French retreat.
But the saga of resilience continued at Fort Vaux. Beginning June 2nd, the fort endured a relentless German siege. Its garrison, dwindling in supplies and men, clung to survival. Major Sylvain-Eugène Raynal, the fort’s commander, resorted to carrier pigeons for communication. On June 4th, amidst a dire supply shortage, he dispatched his last pigeon with a plea for resupply. The bird, albeit affected by poison gas, valiantly delivered the message to Verdun Citadel, earning the Legion of Honour and the moniker “The Brave.”
Relief arrived on June 5th, yet the situation at Fort Vaux remained grim. By June 7th, with merely 12 gallons of drinkable water left for 600 men, Major Raynal had no choice but to surrender. In a rare gesture of chivalry amidst the savage conflict, Crown Prince Wilhelm honored Raynal with a gifted sword. Despite Vaux’s capture, a distant glimmer of hope sparked on June 4th with the commencement of the Brusilov Offensive, which eased the pressure on the western front, though the respite was temporary.
On June 23rd, German forces unleashed a ferocious assault, seizing ground before advancing toward Fort Souville. Amidst the chaos, Nivelle implored his troops with a resounding cry, “You will not let them pass, my comrades!”—a phrase that would later morph into the iconic battlecry, “They shall not pass!”
The relentless onslaught at Verdun was momentarily eased as July ushered in the Battle of the Somme, requiring the redeployment of troops along different front lines. By the end of August, Romania’s declaration of war against the Central Powers opened up a new front, intensifying the already complex European conflict. This was followed by a significant military reshuffle on August 29th, when Falkenhayn, weighed down by the quagmire at Verdun, was replaced by Paul von Hindenburg as the Chief of the German General Staff. Hindenburg, with a fresh perspective, shifted focus to other theaters of war as he recognized the diminishing returns of the Verdun campaign. He promptly ordered a halt to all offensive operations in the RFV, marking a tactical re-evaluation. Hindenburg’s strategic pivot aimed to better allocate Germany’s military resources, seeking more favorable battlefields to change the war’s trajectory, which had been largely stagnant and draining.
Meanwhile, the French remained poised to reclaim the territory lost under Falkenhayn’s leadership. In late October, a determined French assault began with more than 700 guns pounding Fort Douaumont into submission. Within a week, thousands of shells had rained down, rendering the fort’s defenses nearly derelict. Nivelle’s creeping barrage tactics, where artillery fire barely precedes a steady infantry advance, ensured the German defenses stood no chance. By the time French troops stormed the fort on the 24th, the Germans were already staging an evacuation, leaving only a skeleton force who yearned for reinforcements that would never arrive. By the end of that day, the French had captured over 6,000 prisoners and 115 artillery pieces.
The tale was not different at Fort Vaux. Following devastating bombardments by French artillery, the Germans were forced to evacuate after a French shell caused a huge explosion. The French reasserted control over the fort shortly after, allowing for a moment of symbolic recuperation amidst the long-drawn bloodshed.
On December 14th, leadership within the French Army shifted from Joffre to Nivelle, marking a new phase. This change came just before the second offensive at Verdun, orchestrated by Generals Pétain and Nivelle, and commanded by General Charles Mangin. On the morning of December 15th, the calm was broken by the roar of guns, signaling the French advance. The preceding six-day bombardment, involving 827 guns and a total of 1,169,000 shells, had turned the battlefield into a pockmarked crater. Artillery observation aircraft directed the final bombardment onto two German positions, preparing the ground for infantry assault.
At 10:00 a.m., the French infantry moved forward, shielded by a double creeping barrage of shrapnel and high explosive fire. The barrage was designed to keep German defenders at bay while French troops advanced. The attack was effective; German defensive lines collapsed, with many soldiers captured as the French infantry closed in, accounting for over 13,500 German losses from the front divisions. Despite bad weather, the French troops reclaimed key positions lost earlier in February. The rapid pace of their advance left German reserve units scrambling to respond. By the night of the 16th and 17th, new French lines were established, extending beyond Douaumont and north of Fort Vaux. Though nearly unrecognizable with damage, French positions had been reclaimed once again.
The French not only recaptured key areas but also pushed the closest German position over 7 km back from Verdun, claiming vital observation points. The battle resulted in over 11,000 German prisoners and 115 guns captured, boosting the morale of the French forces as they pressed further east. As French troops continued their advance through villages north of the RFV around December 18th, the terrifying siege of Verdun began to lift. The fields, once filled with the sounds of gunfire and explosions, started regaining a semblance of peace.
The war tallies at Verdun were harrowing, with over 350,000 casualties on both sides, of which around 150,000 on both sides also perished. Although Verdun did not witness the gravest loss, its sheer length marked it as the longest battle in the war, going from February 21st to December 18th—nearly 10 months in total. The Battle of Verdun remains a grim testament to the tenacity and resilience of both French and German forces—a symbol of the brutal stalemate that defined much of World War I.
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September 21, 2024 | by Unboxify
September 21, 2024 | by Unboxify
September 21, 2024 | by Unboxify
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