September 21, 2024 | by Unboxify
October 1799 marked the end of Napoleon Bonaparte’s 500-day campaign in Egypt and Syria. Accompanied by a small entourage, Napoleon journeyed north to Paris. Throughout his travels, crowds greeted him exuberantly, dignitaries embraced him, and he was hailed as a conquering hero. However, beneath the celebratory facade, France was a country in crisis and despair. Banditry was rampant; even Napoleon’s own luggage was stolen en route. Prices and taxes were soaring, trade had been decimated by years of war and blockade, and the nation was marred by conscription, censorship, and corruption.
Despite General Masséna’s brilliant victory at Zurich providing a temporary respite, France was far from safe. The nation once more faced a powerful coalition of enemies. Yet, in Bonaparte, many saw a savior for the country. Thanks to his own propaganda, everybody had heard of his brilliant victories in Italy and Egypt; his name was celebrated in newspapers and plays, with the air ringing with cries of “Hurray for Bonaparte!”
Not everyone was thrilled by the general’s return. At the very top of the French government, some wondered whether Bonaparte should not be court-martialed for abandoning his army in Egypt and flouting France’s quarantine laws. However, Napoleon now possessed a letter from the Directory ordering his return to France, although he had acted before receiving it. There was also concern that a move against such a hugely popular general could easily backfire.
For his part, Napoleon regarded the government with contempt. Over breakfast, he told General Thibaud that, “these men are bringing France down to the level of their own blundering; they are degrading her. What can generals expect from this government of lawyers?” To Napoleon, it was self-evident that he would do a better job given all his glorious achievements in Italy and Egypt. Since 1795, France had been ruled by the Directory, an executive committee of five members holding power for five years.
In 1799, the Directory was comprised of:
The legislature comprised the Council of 500, who drafted laws, and the Council of Elders, who approved them. The members of both councils dressed in extravagant clothing inspired by their great model – the ancient Republic of Rome. This government, particularly the Directory, was now widely regarded as corrupt, ineffective, and unfit to survive. Powerful men on the inside played a leading role in its destruction.
Upon his return to Paris, Napoleon took up residence in the home of the Ban family on Rue de la Victoire, which had been renamed in his honor. Given the unsettled political climate, he faced an uncertain and potentially dangerous few months in the capital. One man he could count on was his younger brother Lucien, who served in the Council of 500 as the deputy for Corsica and had recently been elected its president. Lucien would be a key player in the upcoming weeks.
But first, Napoleon had to deal with a stormy reunion with his wife, Josephine. Despite both being guilty of infidelities, their passionate reconciliation showed that Napoleon was still deeply in love with her, and his earlier talk of divorce was quietly forgotten. Josephine would henceforth prove a faithful wife and, through her social connections, an important political ally.
Paris was awash with talk of plots and conspiracies. Rumors of threats emerged from the left, with ex-Jacobins who had overseen the bloody days of the Terror, and from the right, with secret royalists who wanted to turn back the clock. There were also those who sought a third option. Soon after his arrival, Napoleon received a visit from France’s ex-Foreign Minister, Maurice de Talleyrand. A keen observer of the political winds, Talleyrand had resigned from the government in July, having worked with Napoleon in planning the Egyptian expedition. Now, he proposed they collaborate on another plan to replace the government of France.
Napoleon, disgusted by the current regime, immediately welcomed the idea. Talleyrand then revealed that a member of the Directory itself was working to bring down the regime. Sieyès, the country’s leading political thinker, had decided that the Directory must be cast aside and that France must have a new constitution, which he intended to write. He planned to sweep away the chaotic, unruly legislature and its weak, ineffectual executive to save the Republic. Radical reforms were needed, and Sieyès already had the support of another director, Roger Ducos, and the president of the Council of Elders, Lucien Bonaparte.
To take over the government, Sieyès needed a military figurehead to keep the army on side and be wielded at the decisive moment, only to be sheathed afterward. But such a man was proving difficult to find. Sieyès’ first choice had been General Joubert, Napoleon’s talented subordinate at Rivoli, but he had been killed earlier that year at the Battle of Novi. General MacDonald was considered but was too much the honest republican for such skullduggery, while General Moreau, who had led the army of the Rhine successfully, declined the role—a decision he would later regret, recommending Bonaparte instead, saying, “There’s your man, he will make a better job of your coup d’état than I could.”
Sieyès did not like Napoleon; his ambition was too obvious. It was Talleyrand who persuaded Sieyès that they had indeed found their sword. On the 23rd of October, Napoleon and Sieyès met for the first time. They agreed that the Republic was in grave peril from enemies within and without, and that the Directory could not meet the challenge. Within a week, they agreed to launch a coup to overthrow the government of France.
The conspirators planned their coup for the 7th of November (16th Brumaire according to France’s revolutionary calendar, the month of fog). It was a risky operation that would take two days, during which many things could go wrong. Many of the plotters took precautions. Sieyès carried a briefcase stuffed with cash for a quick getaway, the Minister of Police Fouché had drafted orders for Napoleon’s arrest in case he needed to switch sides, and Napoleon slept with two loaded pistols by his bed.
At the last minute, there was a 48-hour postponement, and that night Bonaparte dined at General Bernadotte’s apartment. Generals Moreau and Jourdan were also present. Napoleon wanted the support of these influential generals for his coup. Moreau agreed to help, while Jourdan promised not to interfere. However, Bernadotte was outraged and warned Napoleon, “You’ll be guillotined!” To which Napoleon simply replied, “We’ll see.”
In the crisp early hours of November 9th, Napoleon met around 60 officers he had invited to his house. He informed them that he must act to save the Republic and asked for their support. They affirmed their loyalty with oaths of allegiance. The most important man to convince was General Lefebvre, the no-nonsense military commander of Paris. Napoleon presented Lefebvre with the sword he wore at the Battle of the Pyramids as a mark of great esteem, and the general was won over, growling, “Let’s go throw those bloody lawyers in the river!”
At 7:00 a.m., the Council of Elders met in an unscheduled early session at the Tuileries Palace. Only Sieyès’ allies had been invited, and without opposition, they quickly passed two measures. First, Napoleon was to be given immediate command of the Paris military district, using the pretext of a non-existent Jacobin plot. Second, the following day, the legislature would move from its usual meeting place in the center of Paris to the Château de Saint-Cloud, 5 miles west outside the city. This move was supposedly for their own safety from the unpredictable and violent Paris mob, but it was, of course, to protect the conspirators themselves.
At 10:00 a.m., Napoleon arrived at the Tuileries. He reassured the Council of Elders that trusted generals Lefebvre and Berthier were by his side and concluded, “We want a Republic founded upon true liberty, on civil liberty, on national representation. We will have it, I swear it.”
Meanwhile, that morning at the Luxembourg Palace, where the five directors resided, Sieyès and Roger Ducos announced their resignation and urged Barras, Gohier, and Moulin to follow suit. Barras, taking a long bath, was perhaps mulling his options or waiting for an offer. When it came from Talleyrand, the man who perhaps understood him best, Barras agreed to resign with the help of an enormous bribe and the reassurance that he would keep all his estates. Thus, France’s longest-serving director and once-formidable power broker quietly left the stage, driven to his country house under military escort.
Gohier and Moulin were not so easily persuaded and were placed under house arrest by General Moreau. Their objections were futile. With the resignation of three directors, the executive was constitutionally defunct. The conspirators had achieved their goal – a power vacuum to which they could propose a solution the next day at Château de Saint-Cloud. It was a day on which the future of France hinged. That evening, as Napoleon rode through the Place de la Concorde where so many had died under the guillotine, he turned to his secretary and said, “Tomorrow, either we will sleep at the Luxembourg or we’ll end up here.”
Napoleon rose at 4:00 a.m. and rode to Saint-Cloud, where he met Murat, newly promoted to General of Division, whose 6,000 troops surrounded the château. Officially there to guard the council members, the heavy military presence was impossible to miss as deputies arrived for the day’s session. Long delays followed. Benches had to be found for the chambers, and council members had time to mingle and discuss the many swirling rumors. The Jacobin deputies, excluded from the previous day’s meeting, were angry and unhappy.
The councils finally began their sessions at 1:00 p.m. The mood was raucous due to the sudden resignation of the directors, the presence of many troops, and the claims of a Jacobin plot. The plotters had hoped for a quick vote to establish a new provisional government, but the presidents of both councils struggled to take charge. Hours passed, and Napoleon lost patience.
At 4:00 p.m., Napoleon burst into the Council of Elders. He was heckled and derided, throwing him off balance. Napoleon rambled, muttered, and hesitated. When a deputy interrupted, asking what of the Constitution, Napoleon angrily replied, “The Constitution? You yourselves annihilated it!” There was uproar. He continued demanding action from the council, strongly implying that anyone who spoke against him was paid by the British. He warned, “May the lightning of war crush him instantaneously! Remember that I walk accompanied by the god of war and by the god of fortune!”
These ill-chosen words seemed to confirm the assembly’s worst suspicions. By some accounts, Napoleon had to be dragged from the chamber by his staff, shouting, “You are scoundrels! I will have you shot if you don’t obey me!” Napoleon, shaken but not defeated, stormed down the corridor into the Council of 500, where the president, his brother Lucien, had lost all semblance of control. Here, defiance was even greater. Deputies had spent the morning swearing oaths of loyalty to the Constitution. When Napoleon arrived, he was met with cries of “Down with the Tyrant!” and “Outlaw Caesar! Cromwell!”
As the crowd pressed in, Napoleon was grabbed, jostled, and even punched. Defra and his grenadiers rushed in to extricate Napoleon, and they hauled him clear, dragging him into the courtyard outside. Napoleon, rattled and bloodied, seemed unsure of what to do. His old comrade, General Augereau, now a council member, came out to see him. “You’re in deep water now,” Augereau told him. Regaining his composure, Napoleon replied, “It was worse at Toulon.”
Nevertheless, the coup teetered on the brink of disaster. If the council declared Napoleon an outlaw, it could mean a firing squad or a swift trip to the guillotine. However, the riotous disorder played into his hands as the military commander of Paris. When he heard that Jacobin deputies were keeping his brother Lucien in the chamber against his will, grenadiers were sent to bring him out.
Napoleon attempted to rally the troops for a decisive intervention. The news of his manhandling by the deputies outraged his old comrades, who were eager for action. Yet, the legislative guard – the 400 troops protecting the council – were not convinced.
Lucien seized the moment. Mounting a horse, he announced, “Citizens, soldiers, the great majority of the council is being terrorized by a handful of deputies armed with daggers! These brigands are doubtless in the English pay. I declare to you that these madmen have made themselves outlaws by their assaults upon the liberty of this council!” Then, drawing his sword and pointing it at Napoleon’s chest, Lucien declared, “I swear that I will stab my own brother to the heart if he ever makes an assault on the liberty of Frenchmen!”
The doubters were won over. A signal was given, and with bayonets fixed, troops flooded into the Council of 500, with General Murat at their head. “Citizens, you are dissolved!” he shouted, and then to his men, “Get this damn rabble out of here!” The deputies scattered. By some accounts, they jumped out of windows, leaving their robes and hats strewn across the gardens. Certainly, the conspirators had hoped to avoid the use of troops, but it had always been a backup plan – one that turned out to be desperately needed.
Later that evening, a few deputies were rounded up to form a rump Council of 500, joined by the similarly cowed Council of Elders. They approved the measures suggested to them: the dissolution of the Directory, the adjournment of both councils for four months (though they would never meet again), and the appointment of three provisional consuls, a term borrowed from the Roman Republic: Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès, Pierre Roger Ducos, and General Napoleon Bonaparte.
Three years and eight months since he took command of the Army of Italy, Napoleon had risen to the summit of political power in France. He would now be one of three men in charge of drafting a new constitution for the Republic. But through his brilliance, energy, and immense popularity, he would soon overshadow his two colleagues. Only one man would emerge to rule France: the First Consul, Napoleon Bonaparte.
What better way to cement his hold on power than a new military campaign and a return to Italy? The French people were eager for stability and victory, and in Napoleon Bonaparte, they had found the leader they believed would deliver both.
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Embark on a new chapter as we explore the drama and pivotal moments that solidified Napoleon Bonaparte’s rise to power, and the strategic brilliance that would define his legacy as one of history’s most iconic leaders.
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